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John Kerry Needs a Bigger Band of Brothers

Peter Lee
May 21, 2004
There are heartening signs — via the torrent of unfavorable insider leaks on Iraq and Abu Ghraib in the press — that a slow-motion mutiny of professional soldiers, career spooks, and moderate Republicans is swelling to push Bush, Rumsfeld, and the neocons out of office.

But for a lot of good to come out of it, Kerry — and the American people — have to understand a new way of governing.

Right now, Kerry appears trapped in the DLC model of politics: secure the liberal/left base, then stroke it as needed while sidling crabwise to the “center” of swing voters with independent (and contributor)-friendly platitudes about being strong on terror, strong on fixing Iraq, strong on support of Israel, strong on family values, strongstrongstrong…

If Nader and enough disgusted Republicans can be persuaded to stay home, maybe Kerry can win the popular vote, dodge the electoral college bullet, and squeak into the White House, but with the GOP still in control of the Congress.

But after he gains office, how does Kerry govern?

Specifically, how does he disengage from the war that is sapping our nation’s blood, wealth, and moral fiber day by day if the Republicans immediately start trying to impeach him for “losing Iraq”?

If Kerry doesn’t move decisively and effectively on Iraq, how does he assert control over the national security establishment that worked to evict the previous president from office and can be expected to vigorously promote its own interests and views in defiance of a president from a weak, excluded political party?

According to the traditional model, he doesn’t.

Bereft of personal charisma and political muscle, Kerry’s administration suffers a four-year death by a thousand cuts from the right wing political torture apparatus while the GOP elders gear up for 2008.

It is an acknowledgement of Kerry’s political weakness — and our own — that fuels all the fusion talk of a Kerry/McCain ticket.

Such talk is anathema to liberals who see victory within their grasp, but fear that its fruits — truly progressive social and foreign policies — will be snatched away.

But the truth is that our country is confused, embittered, and divided. Before it can progress, it needs a sense of unity and shared purpose that transcends political labels.

We need four years of damage control and healing, not another demoralizing bout of the politics of polarization and gridlock.

Dictatorship by conservative plurality didn’t work for Bush, even with control of all three branches of the government.

Dictatorship by liberal plurality certainly isn’t going to work for Kerry.

He needs political cover, not only from latte-sippers and Volvo drivers, but from raw-meat, knuckle-dragging Republicans, grunts, and officers.

Fortunately, George W. Bush has screwed up in such a conspicuous way that there are plenty of things that Kerry and GOP moderates can agree on:

Getting our troops out of Iraq repudiating the Bush doctrine, and returning to conventional, Powellized U.S. military doctrine of war only with massive force, a diplomatic united front, and a clear exit strategy.

Building a strategic alliance with the bigger European states to promote our strategic and diplomatic interests throughout the world.

Giving Kerry a free hand to secure the financial bases of Social Security and Medicare and not permitting hard-right conservative ideologues to destroy them through privatization subterfuges and revenue choke-offs.

In return, Kerry can promise not to screw around with those precious income tax cuts unless a clear bipartisan majority in Congress agrees that the country is going down the toilet and taxes need to be raised pronto!

Meanwhile, the executive branch under Kerry can devote itself to reversing the corrupt Bush vending-machine-for-campaign-contributors approach to environmental and regulatory policy.

Kerry, as a member of the ultimate establishment boy’s club, the U.S. Senate, is well-qualified to reach out to the GOP elite. It might turn out to be his critical advantage. Who knows, it might be his only advantage.

According to Sydney Schanberg, a pivotal moment on Kerry’s career occurred when he and John McCain joined hands in some less-than-noble realpolitik to bury the data about Vietnam MIAs in order to normalize relations with Vietnam and get that twenty-year monkey off our backs.

Maybe he can pull off the same trick this time and extricate us from Iraq, but in two years instead of twenty, and with honor instead of shame.

Let’s give him the chance, by swallowing our disappointment that he isn’t Howard Dean, Ralph Nader, the real JFK, or even a Clinton, and encourage him to make common cause with patriots and concerned Americans across the political spectrum.

Liberals and conservatives will have decades to disagree, but only one chance in November to pull our country back from Bush’s abyss.

When the question of Kerry’s loyalty to genuine Democratic causes and interests comes up, please remind yourself:

For the sake of this country, we don’t need a victory in November.

We need a landslide.

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